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Monday, August 11, 2014
ConfederateLINKS
LINKS to the Old South. Transport yourself back in time to the days of the Antebellum South. You’ll not get closer to the “old South” than with these books, magazines, and journals; over 475 titles. The magazines and journals will give you an idea of the things they were reading. The book downloads, will help you understand their lives and the culture they lived in. The old times will not be forgotten, if we do our part and not look away from how things used to be. We must keep ourselves educated to understand how they lived and the way they lived. Educating ourselves today is doing our part of remembering. This CD is your LINK to the Old South!
Monday, August 4, 2014
The Union Saved, the Republic Lost
From: bernhard1848@gmail.com
With the South out of Congress since 1861 and no Southern leadership to provide a conservative and responsible voice in US government, the predictable occurred. As a soldier Grant was a butcher who sent wave after wave of new recruits to wear down the thin Southern brigades; as a politician, Orville H. Browning of Illinois described Grant as "weak, vain, ignorant, mercenary, selfish and malignant"; that he was surrounded by corrupt and unprincipled men and that his reelection would be a great calamity to the country."
Bernhard Thuersam, Chairman
North Carolina War Between the States Sesquicentennial Commission
"Unsurpassed Valor, Courage and Devotion to Liberty"
www.ncwbts150.com
"The Official Website of the North Carolina WBTS Sesquicentennial"
The Union Saved, the Republic Lost
"The eight years of Grant's administration rocked with one scandal after another. Citizens defrauded the government in the acquisition of land and in claims for [Northern veteran] pensions; contractors supplying the army and navy were often venal; and unscrupulous lawyers levied toll on ignorant and defenseless Indians.
Members of Congress were bribed and disgraced. Cabinet officers were investigated and impeached. Subordinate officials and employees were revealed in outright betrayal of public trust. Never had the Republic sunk to so low an estate of official morality.
During the 1870s there was both incompetence and dishonesty in the large customhouses; discipline and integrity among the navy-yard labor forces were at a low ebb; the Indian service had been roundly condemned by [James] Garfield; land agents connived at irregularities, and surveyors made fraudulent claims for work not performed.
The tone of the eight years of Grant's administration was . . . set by a small number of weak and unreliable persons holding seats in Congress and in high executive office. It was during these years that the most resounding scandals occurred, not only in Washington but in many States and cities. When the mighty wandered far from the paths of rectitude, it was not surprising that some of the lesser ranks followed their example.
To a few of the scandals we turn . . . The Credit Mobilier . . . originally organized to finance railroad construction, [it] fell into the control of a group of adventurers, including a member of Congress, Oakes Ames. The corporation was awarded a lucrative but fraudulent contract for the . . . [Union Pacific Railroad and disgraced Grant's] Vice Presidents Colfax and Wilson.
Laxness or corruption in the award of Indian trading posts had been suspected for some time under General [William] Belknap's administration of the War Department. [Secretary of the Navy George M. Robeson levied] percentages on . . . contractors' engagements with the navy, [and] Robeson grew rich. [Secretary of the Treasury John D. Sanborn, a protégé of Benjamin Butler, siphoned money destined for the Internal Revenue Service].
The most dramatic and perhaps the most damaging evidence of corruption during the Grant administration involved the evasion of internal revenue taxes on distilleries. Fraud had long been suspected [and persons involved] included General John A. McDonald, collector of internal revenue in St. Louis . . . other collectors, the chief clerk of the internal revenue division of the Treasury Department in Washington [and] General Orville Babcock, President Grant's private secretary, who was subsequently indicted but who escaped conviction."
(The Republican Era, 1869-1901, A Study in Administrative History, Leonard D. White, Macmillan Company, 1958, excerpts pp. 366-373)
With the South out of Congress since 1861 and no Southern leadership to provide a conservative and responsible voice in US government, the predictable occurred. As a soldier Grant was a butcher who sent wave after wave of new recruits to wear down the thin Southern brigades; as a politician, Orville H. Browning of Illinois described Grant as "weak, vain, ignorant, mercenary, selfish and malignant"; that he was surrounded by corrupt and unprincipled men and that his reelection would be a great calamity to the country."
Bernhard Thuersam, Chairman
North Carolina War Between the States Sesquicentennial Commission
"Unsurpassed Valor, Courage and Devotion to Liberty"
www.ncwbts150.com
"The Official Website of the North Carolina WBTS Sesquicentennial"
The Union Saved, the Republic Lost
"The eight years of Grant's administration rocked with one scandal after another. Citizens defrauded the government in the acquisition of land and in claims for [Northern veteran] pensions; contractors supplying the army and navy were often venal; and unscrupulous lawyers levied toll on ignorant and defenseless Indians.
Members of Congress were bribed and disgraced. Cabinet officers were investigated and impeached. Subordinate officials and employees were revealed in outright betrayal of public trust. Never had the Republic sunk to so low an estate of official morality.
During the 1870s there was both incompetence and dishonesty in the large customhouses; discipline and integrity among the navy-yard labor forces were at a low ebb; the Indian service had been roundly condemned by [James] Garfield; land agents connived at irregularities, and surveyors made fraudulent claims for work not performed.
The tone of the eight years of Grant's administration was . . . set by a small number of weak and unreliable persons holding seats in Congress and in high executive office. It was during these years that the most resounding scandals occurred, not only in Washington but in many States and cities. When the mighty wandered far from the paths of rectitude, it was not surprising that some of the lesser ranks followed their example.
To a few of the scandals we turn . . . The Credit Mobilier . . . originally organized to finance railroad construction, [it] fell into the control of a group of adventurers, including a member of Congress, Oakes Ames. The corporation was awarded a lucrative but fraudulent contract for the . . . [Union Pacific Railroad and disgraced Grant's] Vice Presidents Colfax and Wilson.
Laxness or corruption in the award of Indian trading posts had been suspected for some time under General [William] Belknap's administration of the War Department. [Secretary of the Navy George M. Robeson levied] percentages on . . . contractors' engagements with the navy, [and] Robeson grew rich. [Secretary of the Treasury John D. Sanborn, a protégé of Benjamin Butler, siphoned money destined for the Internal Revenue Service].
The most dramatic and perhaps the most damaging evidence of corruption during the Grant administration involved the evasion of internal revenue taxes on distilleries. Fraud had long been suspected [and persons involved] included General John A. McDonald, collector of internal revenue in St. Louis . . . other collectors, the chief clerk of the internal revenue division of the Treasury Department in Washington [and] General Orville Babcock, President Grant's private secretary, who was subsequently indicted but who escaped conviction."
(The Republican Era, 1869-1901, A Study in Administrative History, Leonard D. White, Macmillan Company, 1958, excerpts pp. 366-373)
Sunday, August 3, 2014
Delta Is Ready When You Are
"When the 1992 presidential primaries moved South, the media was full of references to "the Bubba vote." Yet, when the primaries were in the East, nobody referred to the "Loud-Talking Yankee vote." When they went to the Midwest, there was no mention of "the Frozen Fools vote." When it was time for the California primary, there was nothing said about "the Nut and Fruit vote."
Just the South. And I'm always a "Southern columnist," or "Southern humorist," or "that redneck from Atlanta."
Ever hear of Mike Royko being referred to as a "mid-western columnist"? Or Dave Barry, of The Miami Herald, a "Cuban columnist"?
If you're Southern, it's always going to be mentioned. "Why don't you people forget the Civil War?" I've heard so often from Northerners. Well, why don't y'all leave us the hell alone and stop thinking of the South as an odd appendage? How about stopping with the stereotyping already? The "Bubba vote," indeed.
I had a man write me a letter years ago . . . He had been called "Bubba" by family and friends for thirty-five years. He came from a small Georgia town and had gone to work with a large national firm in Atlanta. His boss . . . had been transplanted from New York [and said he] could no longer use the name "Bubba.' "He said it sounded too "Southern and ignorant."
[I] was incensed that the son of a bitch from New York City would say "too Southern and ignorant." What if the man had been named "Booker T."? would that have been too "black and ignorant"? What if he had been named "Dances with Fat girls"? "Too Indian and insensitive to persons of size?"
So I told the Bubba who wrote the letter to tell the jerk who wanted him to drop his name to kiss his ass and see if he could find a job with a firm that wasn't being run by a lot of Yankees who looked down on Southerners and had their heads in their asses (cranial rectitus).
Another wrote, "I was transferred to Atlanta from New York six years ago. Every time I return to Atlanta on an airplane, I expect the stewardesses to say, "Welcome to Atlanta. Set your watch back two decades." A woman wrote, "You Bubbas are all alike. All you can think about is football, beer swilling, and hillbilly music."
My response to the first writer was, "Oh yeah? Every time I fly into New York, I expect the stewardess to say, "Welcome to New York. Get off the plane at your own risk." To the other, I responded, "Read this: Delta is ready when you are."
"Too Southern and ignorant . . ." It makes my blood boil."
(I Havent Understood Anything Since 1962, And Other Nekkid Truths, Lewis Grizzard, Villard Books, 1992, pp. 146-147)
Saturday, August 2, 2014
SCV
From: n.hayes@mindspring.com
"Remember, it is your duty to see that the true history of the South is presented to future generations."
– Lt. General Stephen Dill Lee, Commander-General United Confederate Veterans, New Orleans, 25 April 1906
I hope to see you at the upcoming Civil War Relic Show during June 21—22 in Brandon, Mississippi. I will be attending as a vendor signing my book, The Gray and the Blue. I invite you to come by my table and consider using this book as a camp fund raiser.
An ideal introduction to the war for anyone, this presentation is particularly suited to children as an antidote to the politically correct view they will encounter at school and on television. It presents the Southerners as exercising their Constitutional right to withdraw from the United States. When Lincoln resorted to force to prevent Southerners from establishing their own form of government, the resulting war became the dramatic highpoint of American history.
Funny Pictures—Serious History
"I consider it to be one of the best-researched books on this war that I have ever read. It is an important source for my next Pelican book."
--Lt. Col. Tom C. McKenney, USMC (ret.), author of Jack Hinson's One Man War.
"This book is wonderful. It brings the truth about the War Between the States in a fun, accurate, easy to read form. I recommend it for all ages."
--Nedra T. Johnson, Dixie Diva
"Simply the most accurate, scholarly and straightforward writing on this period of history. The cartoons are serious, funny, and humorous all at the same time."
--Gary W. Price
The regular retail price for The Gray and the Blue is $15.95. My quantity wholesale price to museums, schools, and SCV camps is $10 plus shipping. If you pick them up from me at the Relic Show in quantities of four or more for your camp, there will be no shipping cost. That is, the price will be $15.95 each for fewer than four copies and $10 each for four or more. They have been successfully used as fund raisers by camps reselling them to members at retail.
If you are not attending the Brandon Relic Show but are interested in using the book as a fund raiser, you can order one signed copy from me for $19 postpaid. Pass it around among members at your next meeting and take orders. The quantity price is $11 each postpaid in quantities of four or more.
From History to Mystery
I will also be signing copies of my latest book, The Briefcase, a novel set in the present-day South. It's about a man who fulfills the request of a dying friend by destroying a briefcase without opening it. The trouble is somebody doesn't believe he didn't open the briefcase and learn a secret worth killing for.
"It is a great read, a real page turner--just what I expected from a writer as talented as Charles Hayes." – James Ronald Kennedy, co-author of The South was Right.
"The very first sentence will capture the reader, creating a desire to read it all; and, having read it all, he will wish for more." – Lieutenant Colonel Tom C. McKenney, USMC (Ret), award-winning author of Jack Hinson's One-Man War.
The price for The Briefcase is $12.95 in bookstores. You can order a signed copy from me for $15 postpaid. Both signed books for $25 postpaid.
You can read more about both books on my home page, www.b17.com/hayes/.
I can't do credit cards but I accept checks or money orders for signed copies at the address at the bottom.
The Briefcase - $15.95 ($12.95 plus $3 shipping).
The Gray and the Blue - $18.95 ($15.95 plus $3 shipping)
Both signed books - $25 postpaid
For credit card orders, use the following links.
The Gray and the Blue—order from Amazon at
http://www.amazon.com/Gray-Blue-Comic-Strip-History/dp/158980967X/ref=sr_1_11?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1388548048&sr=1-11&keywords=charles+hayes
or Barnes & Noble at
http://www.barnesandnoble.com/w/the-gray-and-the-blue-charles-hayes/1029253517?ean=9781589809673
or the publisher at
http://www.pelicanpub.com/search.php?pg=1&stext=The+Gray+and+the+Blue&sprice=&stype=exact&scat=
The Briefcase—order from
Amazon (also has ebook)
http://www.amazon.com/Briefcase-Charles-Hayes/dp/193732737X/ref=sr_1_12?s=books&ie=UTF8&qid=1388584937&sr=1-12&keywords=Moonshine+Cove+Publishing
or Barnes and Noble
http://www.barnesandnoble.com/w/the-briefcase-charles-hayes/1117803102?ean=9781937327378.
or the publisher
http://moonshinecovepublishing.com/
CHARLES HAYES
5722 Gloucester Drive
Tyler, Texas 75707
Neo-Confederate slander
From: suzn68@comcast.net
To: rebeleye@aol.com
There is no question that those who use this term are "downright mean and nasty". We can thank a certain anti-Confederate hater in TX for this one, and, in my opinion, our own people, who buy right into it, using the term to describe any of us they feel are too "radical".
Using "Neo" is very intentional, and effectively links us to "Neo-Nazi" in the public's mind, where there is absolutely no connection otherwise. 150 years after the War Between the States began, there is certainly nothing "Neo" (new) about us, or our devotion to our gallant Confederate ancestors.
This is compounded by the fact that some of our own folks have embraced the term, and use it to describe others within the Heritage community. What these folks fail to realize is that the people who use this term, use it to describe ALL OF US...from the 85 year old UDC member lovingly decorating a soldier's grave...to the activist "taking it to the streets". There is absolutely no distinction in their mind. To them, if one has the UNMITIGATED GALL to attempt to honor one's Confederate ancestor...one is automatically a "Neo-Confederate".
IMHO, the gentleman only reinforced their behavior by backing down and returning the contribution. When will we learn that there is no compromising with these people? Does he think those people are now going to vote for him? Start giving him a fair shake? NOTHING will satisfy them, and yet we continue to kowtow, begging for approval and acceptance that will never, ever come.
Forward the Colors. Honor the Soldier.
Susan Hathaway
Va Flaggers
"...I hold concession or compromise to be fatal. If we concede an inch, concession would follow concession--compromise would follow compromise, until our ranks would be so broken that effectual resistance would be impossible." - John C. Calhoun
Friday, August 1, 2014
Abolitionist agitations force social and political changes in the South.
From: kbachand@juno.com
By the middle of the nineteenth century, a generation of radical abolitionism in the North, particularly in New England and more particularly in the Boston-Concord area of Massachusetts, had forced a number of social and political changes in the South—changes that, along with the fear of slave insurrections instigated by such men as John Brown and rising tariff rates that were stifling the Southern economy—would a decade later lead to the secession of Southern states.
--Ken Bachand, Hendersonville, NC
______________
Abolitionist agitations, mounted by a relative handful, had proceeded now for a generation. In that time [1849] its rhetoric had gradually entered every public issue and every national debate, and had created irritations everywhere. Abolitionist lecturers, writers, and leaders had risen, inch by inch against violence and heavy odds, to convince overseas observers of their importance and to create sweeping though resentful changes in the South. Even the war with Mexico and its great victories was clouded by abolitionist protest. Arguments over whether the new territories should enter the Union as free or slave states distorted congressional debate even after the 1848 elections, and in the weeks before Old Zack Taylor was sworn into office in 1849.
Even the discovery of gold in California and the great land rush did not end the controversy. It penetrated every issue and darkened every debate. Would California be admitted as a free state? Would New Mexico be admitted as a slave state?
The Underground Railroad was transporting a small but steady trickle of fugitives out of the South; the possibility of new free-state senators would upset the balance of power between the regions. Abolitionist agitation in the North, although barred from the South, injured the reputation of the United States abroad, soured personal relationships in the Capitol, and stifled the dialogue between North and South.
The South smarted under a wave of denigration that issued from hundreds of Northern presses and hundreds more lecture platforms. The South's culture and religion were denied, its classes mocked, its heritage and accomplishments ignored. Millions of Northerners regarded the South as a region of nightmare and evil. The reality was far different. The South was a region not simply of Calvinism, but of the religious principles inherited from John Knox and Scotland. It was a region where the Bible was revered as the base of Western civilization, and where such ministers as the Reverend Theodore Parker were regarded as malignant in their influence. Lacking roads, with even its better known cities relatively small, with a population undisturbed by the streams of immigrants who poured through the North, the most important regions of the South—in South Carolina, Virginia, Tennessee, and other states—reflected the Scots Presbyterianism of an earlier age.
The ranks of upper-class Southern planters had been increased by the rise of King Cotton, and newcomers to these ranks imitated the manners and mores of their predecessors. In their close-knit families and customs, the planters resembled the "county families" of an older England more than they did the rising Victorians. The Southern poor white resembled the rural Scot, and believed, as did Bobby Burns two generations before, that "freedom and whiskey gang together." Even in poverty the Southern white was a landowner, proud of belonging to a superior race.
There were variant-pockets throughout the South, as throughout the North; towns and counties where Catholicism rather than Presbyterianism was dominant; cities like New Orleans with a different heritage and ethnic mix than in upcountry Louisiana. There were also pockets of abolitionism, and areas such as Virginia, where slaves were barbers, clerks, house servants, and housekeepers rather than field hands. But in general the South had remained unchanged since the Revolution. Its culture and social patterns were set and familiar. Duels were still fought. Men drank, gambled, and wenched as in the 18th century, while Victorianism, with all its pruderies and pretenses, its red light districts and its hypocrisies, altered the North. Southern anger rose steadily under a Northern barrage that insisted the South revolutionize itself, dislocate its economy, and change its pattern of relations between the races—all to please the consciences of men in another region who would suffer no pain, loss, or change of status from such changes.
At first the South was content to seal its mailbags against Northern propaganda and to issue denials and refutations. In time, abolitionist propaganda led to a worsening of the conditions of blacks; efforts to educate slaves were halted, and emancipations made more difficult. The conditions of free blacks declined remarkably. The South moved toward the condition of a garrison state in its own nation.
As immigrants filled the North, as its wealth and commerce increased, as Northern settlers moved west, Southern leaders began to see their political power decline in the government and the nation. If more free states were admitted, each with its senators and representatives, the precarious balance of power maintained since the Missouri Compromise of 1820 would tilt, and the South would inevitably become helpless against Northern votes.
(Excerpted from The Secret Six: The Fool As Martyr, Volume Three of the Sacred Fool Quartet by Otto Scott, pp. 176–177)
The Mad Course of Reconstruction
From: bernhard1848@gmail.com
Robert E. Lee wrote after the war that: "Every brave people who considered their rights attacked and their Constitutional rights invaded would have done as we did. Our conduct was not caused by any insurrectionary spirit, nor can it be termed rebellion . . ." The carpetbag Mississippi senator Revels (of North Carolina) was elected with freedmen votes in a State controlled by Northern bayonets.
Bernhard Thuersam, Chairman
North Carolina War Between the States Sesquicentennial Commission
"Unsurpassed Valor, Courage and Devotion to Liberty"
www.ncwbts150.com
"The Official Website of the North Carolina WBTS Sesquicentennial"
The Mad Course of Reconstruction
"[Jefferson Davis] spent the last days of his voluntary exile in London, where, shortly before starting back to America, he received a letter from A. Dudley Mann, now in Paris, with the important suggestion: "that you will, at your earliest convenience, prepare your book. This is a requisition which the world of enlightened mankind makes upon you."
[Mann continues] "My thoughts still linger . . . round the homes of the faithful sons and daughters of the South. Often if the stillness of the night, in my little chamber do I fancy that I can behold, in the not far distant future, a high destiny for their native land: when the States over which you preside will again be States . . . examples for the emulation of those in the North . . . "
The method which Mann suggested to bring about this result was "for all true patriots to commence . . . and to wean themselves from Federal attractions and to resist Federal temptations -- to consider Federal office as disreputable and the Federal capital as the abode of murderers and robbers . . . As the Federal Government . . . forced black equality upon the South, the South in return should force black political and social equality upon the administrators of the Federal Government.
Let Negroes be sent, exclusively by her to both branches of Congress and enjoy every Federal office within her limits. Let the white citizens, thereof, solemnly resolve . . . to view every Federal place of trust or profit as too much dishonored for their acceptance. Let not a solitary State position be conferred upon a Negro. In a word, let the Federal Union, under the operations of its own monstrous deeds, be brought into such palpable disgrace, in its own esteem, that it will have no alternative but to return to the original compact."
[The letter from Mann] found Davis smarting under what seemed to him a deliberate affront. A Negro named Revels, had recently been chosen to occupy the [Mississippi] seat in the United States Senate, which he had himself occupied; and the announcement of that fact caused the curious to pack the visitor's gallery to see him take his seat, an incident which [Radical Charles] Sumner characterized as "an historic event, marking the triumph of a great cause."
A few Senators had vigorously protested, but when the vote was taken, forty-eight had voted yea [to seat Revels], and only eight nay. Senator [Henry] Wilson [of Massachusetts], after some remarks about the swan-song of slavery, and God's hand in affairs of state, had conducted Revels to the bar, to take the prescribed oath; and the Republican senators had, as a resentful Southerner wrote, fallen "over each other to shake Revels hand and congratulate him. Poor Mississippi! And Revels is not even a native. General [Adelbert] Ames of Maine is her other Senator. Poor Mississippi!"
Jefferson Davis, Joseph McElroy, Smithmark Books, 1995 (original 1937), pp. 614-620)
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